A critical reading of a Promise Keepers event: The interworkings of race, religion, and sport

Billy Hawkins, University of Georgia, USA

With the global expansion of the Promise Keepers, this study examines the inter-workings of race, religion, and sport at two major events hosted by Promise Keepers: Racial Reconciliation Breakfast and Promise Keepers Conference. Considering the Promise Keepers' 1996 theme, "Breaking Down the Walls," the study addressed how religion and sport have shared common agendas in the construction and maintenance of racial ideologies in this society. It concluded that the Promise Keepers' events observed did not extend beyond providing White men and men of color with a familiar setting (football stadium) to begin addressing the racial and religious issues and beliefs that have instituted racial barriers. It also concluded that, in order for this religious movement to have a greater impact on racial issues, there is a need to deconstruct the racial ideologies that have been constructed by the institutions of religion and sport.

Considered by many to be one of the major religious movements or revivals of recent times, Promise Keepers' events have packed stadiums and arenas around the United States with a predominantly White male audience. These events proclaim a religious message that admonishes men to take back their supposedly rightful positions in this country as leaders and godly men. They have drawn criticism for this message and for the following reasons: for being a White male-centered movement; for not being based on Christian principles; and as being a backlash to the small gains certain groups (women's and gay/lesbian's movements) have accomplished through affirmative action. Finally, Promise Keeper's events have been critiqued because of the challenge they present to the essentialist ideology of masculinity (e.g. Kimmel & Kaufman, 1995; Messner, 1997).

It is not my intention to add to these current critiques nor to critique the theological stance of Promise Keepers. Instead, it is the intention to give a critical reading based upon my attendance at a Promise Keeper's Racial Reconciliation Breakfast and discussion session, and at a Promise Keeper's event held at Soldier Field stadium in Chicago, Illinois. The theme of these events was, "Breaking Down the Walls" (i.e., walls of racial segregation). I intend to examine the inter-workings and underlying meanings associated with race, religion, and sport to illustrate how the cultural practices of religion and sport have contributed to some behaviors that are associated with race. Based on these behaviors, the question driving this research is the feasibility of this movement's attempt to "break down the [racial] walls" of segregation. It is important to mention that masculinity and the Promise Keeper's movement is a critical issue that several researchers have addressed in more detail (e.g. see Beal, 1997; Kimmel, 1997). This current research will focus on race relations, more specifically, the relationship between Black and White men and Promise Keeper's efforts for racial reconciliation. I will draw attention to issues of masculinity when they appear to be a significant factor in this observation, i.e., when it is significant to the inter-workings of race, religion, and sport. A brief review of literature is provided to illustrate some of the research that has addressed the inter-workings of sport and religion, race and sport, and race and religion. This is provided to illustrate how behaviors have been shaped in these areas.

To give a brief overview, several researchers (Carroll, 1986; Chandler, 1992; Edwards, 1973; Hoffman, 1992; Mathisen, 1990, 1992; Novak, 1976, 1992; Prebish, 1993;) have looked at the relationship between sport and religion. In their review of sport and religion literature, Nixon and Frey (1996) concluded that sport is:

....integrating diverse social and political elements of society, reinforcing dominant norms and values, serving as a mechanism of social control, and diverting anger and emotion from existing social arrangements thus serving as a societal 'safety value' (p. 63).

Several of these researchers note that the primary functions of religion are similar, therefore, sport is considered another form of religion or a functional equivalent.

Other researchers have viewed this relationship as being essentially different. For instance, according to Coakley's review of literature on sport and religion, individuals with an essentialist approach suggest that, "The fundamental character of religion is different from the fundamental character of sport" (1994, p. 424). Yet, researchers, such as Higgs (1995), have viewed the relationship between sport and religion as two cultural phenomena that sometimes overlap in meanings and functions. This final view rest on the premise that both sport and religion are social constructions created by groups of people in a society (Coakley, 1994).

To summarize, the research on sport and religion has basically illustrated how sport has been considered as either essentially different from religion, serving the same function as religion (another form of religion with similar characteristics), or that religion and sport are both social constructions which overlap in meaning and function. This current research situates sport and religion as cultural practices that have shared common meanings and interpretations that have influenced our social experience and shaped human interactions, especially in regards to race relations.

The relationship between race and sport has been researched from various perspectives. Several researchers have addressed position segregation or stacking patterns in sport (Curtis & Loy, 1978a, 1978b; Best, 1987; Lavoie, 1989; Leonard, 1977, 1987; Loy & McElvogue, 1970; William & Youssef, 1972, 1975, 1979), while other researchers have addressed other forms of racism in sport (Adler & Adler, 1991; Brooks & Althouse, 1993; Edwards 1973, 1986; Harris, 1993; Lapchick, 1984, 1988, 1991; Sellers 1993). Included in this research is a 1989 NBC television documentary, "Black Athlete - Fact or Fiction?", hosted by Tom Brokaw. It was framed in a manner that tried to explain the relationship between Blacks (specifically) and sport as a natural one. This documentary employed geneticists, anthropologists, physiologists, and other researchers to test and prove that Blacks are predisposed (genetically speaking) to be physically superior, thus explaining their dominance in certain sport. The research in this area has concentrated mainly on the long and controversial relationship sport and race have shared throughout U.S. history.

The point of significance for this current research is the role sport has played in constructing race, and more specifically, the identity of the Black athlete (i.e., powerful, runs fast, jump high, etc.,). These characteristics are often generalized about all Black people situating them as physically superior and designed for athletic endeavors, but in contrast, intellectually inferior.

Race and religion, specifically the European's version of Christianity or the Christianity of America, (i.e., the religious doctrine of Christianity interpreted by people of European descent) has shared a long and controversial history. Numerous researchers and activists (Baird, 1844; Boles, 1988; Douglass, 1845; Elkins, 1963; Franklin & Moss, 1988; Genovese, 1974; Jordon, 1968, 1974; Lincoln, 1984; Tocqueville, 1966; Stampp, 1956; and Woods, 1990) have addressed how the European's version of Christianity was used by Whites in the following ways: to justify the colonization and slavery of African people; served a function in maintaining the relationship between "masters and slaves;" and ultimately influenced race relations in the U.S. For example, where Whites have used religion to justify slavery and colonization, their efforts have been supported by the enduring beliefs in the curse of Ham ideology (i.e., where Noah cursed his dark-skin son's [Ham] descendants to serve his lighter-skin sons). According to Wood (1990):

.....Ham, had watched his father sleeping naked and had shown disrespect by telling his brothers Shem and Japheth about it. Not sharing Ham's taste in humor, the brothers covered their fathers with a robe, all the while respecting his privacy by looking the other way. When Noah awakened and learned what had happened, he punished Ham by placing a curse on Canaan, the youngest of Ham's four sons, making him a 'servant of servants' - that is a slave - to Shem and Japheth (p. 84).

Many Europeans during the 15th, 16th, and 17th century used this passage to justify slavery and to explain the complexion of Negroes, since Ham connotes hot or dark (Wood, 1990; Jordon, 1968). Therefore, not only was Canaan cursed to be a servant, he was also supposedly cursed to be Black. With this curse of Ham ideology, religion has served as a framework to justify the mistreatment of dark skinned people throughout the world, including the institution of slavery in the United States.

Another view held by the European's version of Christianity, that was also associated with the curse of Canaan, was the "Chain of Being." The "Chain of Being" started out as a characterization of beings, and was transformed by Carolus Linnaeus into a science in the 1730's (Jordon, 1968). The initial work of Carolus Linnaeus, one of the eighteenth century's great naturalists that many called the father of taxonomy, did not classify the variation between kinds of men, but more so, the arrangement and classification of all living creatures (Jordon, 1968). However, during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the notion of the "Chain of Being" emerged and became a dominant mode of thinking among European intellectuals. According to Jordan (1974):

The Chain of Being, as usually conceived, commenced with inanimate things and ranged upwards through the lowliest forms of life, through the more intelligent animals until it reached man himself; from man it continued upward through the myriad ranks of heavenly creatures until it reached its pinnacle in God (p. 100).

Apes were considered the first link in the evolution of man; Negroes in this "Chain of Being" were considered two links above the apes: one link above orangutans, and several links below Europeans - the European being the link below heavenly creatures. This "Chain of Being" tried to demonstrate that Blacks were spiritually and intellectually ranked lower than whites. Jordan (1974) also suggested that this "Chain of Being":

...led to a mode of thinking about the basest members of society as primarily and merely physical creatures. It was especially the day-to-day business of commercial slavery, which placed a premium on the Negro's purely physical qualities. New slaves off the ships were described as 'well-fleshed,' 'strong-limbed,' 'lusty,' 'sickly,' 'robust,' 'healthy,' 'scrawny,' 'unblemished'.....The everyday buying and selling and deeding of slaves underscored the fact that Negroes, just like horses, were walking pieces of property (p. 105).

This mode of thinking justified the mistreatment of Blacks, their denial to equality as humans, and their need to be evangelized.

In spite of these efforts from the religious institutions of Christianity in Europe and the U.S., several researchers have also documented how Blacks have transformed Biblical doctrine to cope with and liberate themselves from forms of White supremacy (e.g. see Genovese, 1974 and Stampp, 1956). For example, the Biblical account of the children of Israel held in slavery by an Egyptian nation and eventually freed by an Almighty God became evidence for them to hope and call upon the God of Israel. They identified with the Israelites and coped with their oppression by waiting for their deliverer to appear.

However, both Woods (1990) and Tocqueville (1966) concluded that Christianity of America has been the cornerstone for slavery and racism in this country. Douglass (1845) classifies the Christianity of this country and its relationship with Blacks in slavery, as a:

....Climax of misnomers, the boldest of frauds, and the grossest of all libels. Never was there a clearer case of stealing the livery of the court of heaven to serve the devil in (p. 117).

American history has demonstrated the shortcomings of the institution of religion's misunderstanding of race. Similar to sport, religion (Christianity of America) has also made its contributions towards defining race, establishing race relations, and supporting racial segregation in this country. More specifically, it has categorized Blacks to be cursed and evil, thus indirectly legitimating behaviors toward them that are unjust.

An essentialist perspective suggests that, "…objects have certain essential properties which make them one kind of thing rather than any other" (Sayer, 1997 p. 456). Dellarocca (1996) suggests, "Essentialism holds that at least some things may have certain properties essentially" (p. 186). Coakley (1998) gives an example of how the essentialist perspective views religion and sport as having "unique, separate 'essences'," and both revealing "….different parts of a basic 'human nature' that is unchanging, regardless of history, culture, or social circumstance" (p. 479).

Unlike the essentialist perspective, the basic premise of this paper is that social experience is socially constructed. Consequently, common meanings and interpretations have developed from our social experiences that have shaped our interaction, thus this interaction affects our social experience. Race, religion, and sport as social constructions are formed along distinct biological, denominational (doctrinal) lines, and sociocultural lines, respectively. They are supported by ideological and cultural customs, and undoubtedly they are beneficial to the power-elite (e.g., see Omi & Winant, 1986; Miles, 1984 for examples of race as a social formation and Higgs, 1995 for an example of the socia-cultural construction of religion and sport). Religion and sport as cultural practices are a part of our social experiences that have contributed to our understanding, and certain behaviors we have towards certain racial groups.

Based upon the historical relationship between race, religion and sport, I questioned the functional use of these sport settings and images to see their appropriateness and effectiveness. Several researchers (Dunning, 1994; Kidd, 1990; Messner, 1988; Whitson, 1990; Willis, 1994) have argued that sport, as a male domain, is patriarchal in character and is an institution that reproduces masculine ideology. However, can these sport settings (stadiums and arenas) serve the function of providing non-threatening masculine environments that ultimately create an opportunity for men to disarm their badge of racial identity? Consequently, will they produce reconciliation, restoration, and a new day in race relations among men specifically, and eventually U.S. society in general?

The Promise Keepers' movement began in 1990 under the leadership of Bill McCartney and Dave Wardell. Their purposes were to unite men for Christian discipleship, and encourage them to become godly leaders in their communities (PKNET, 1996). Promise Keepers' first event was attended by 4,200 men in 1991 at the University of Colorado. The conferences have since grown to over 2 million men that gather each year to build and strengthen relationships and seek to become godly influences in their communities (PKNET, 1996). Initially, Promise Keepers' focus was concentrated in stadiums and arenas across this country. However, they have expanded to include educational conferences and workshops, small group meetings for Bible study and personal accountability for men in local communities, as well as resources and projects for community service.

The racial reconciliation breakfast was held at a local predominantly white church in a small mid-western city outside Chicago. This city has a population of 46,000 with 54 local churches, and it houses a major university (a student population of 24,000), several small industries, businesses and farms. There were 47 men (13 Black and 34 White between the ages of 20 and 60 years old) from various churches throughout the area in attendance. This event consisted of an informal breakfast and a discussion group that followed the breakfast. The focus of the discussion group was to address how racial barriers were developed and why they still exist in our lives. The second Promise Keepers was held at Soldier Field in Chicago Illinois. It attracted a total of 68, 972 men (PK NET, 1996). It was a two-day event that included speakers from various religious denominations, singing, prayer groups, and dialogue with other men participants. Of the seven speakers, two were Black, one was Asian American, and four were White. The program was structured in a way that provided participants with specific messages about breaking down walls of racism, denominationalism, sexism, and classism and a time to reflect and pray individually or with a group of men. Singing was incorporated as a means to set the stage and to continue the momentum from one speaker to the next.

I attended both events as a participant observer using an unstructured or open-ended observation method to obtain an informed perspective. I participated in group discussions and collected field notes from both events. A qualitative data (interpretive) analysis was then used to draw conclusions from the data collected. This data was then categorized based on the common themes associated with the inter-workings of race, religion, and sport. For triangulation, another researcher who was privileged to the Promise Keepers Movement was used to perform external checks. This researcher read and checked the category of themes for consistency. The researcher's experience with Promise Keepers' events also provided control for personal biases. Unfortunately, there is potential observer error in the collection of data (only one observer) that potentially affected data collection. A summarized version of the notes will be given in the results section, and the discussion section will highlight the inter-workings of race, religion, and sports.

Racial Reconciliation Breakfast

As men entered the cafeteria of this church, a common practice among interracial groups took place where Blacks grouped and communicated with Blacks and Whites with Whites. This segregation seemed ironic because the overall theme of the Promise Keepers' event was "Breaking Down the Walls", and the goal of this breakfast was to create an atmosphere to begin the process of dialoguing about racial reconciliation. It took the encouragement of the organizers to get us into racially mixed groups. Within these groups, we introduced ourselves and briefly conversed. After the breakfast, we moved into the main sanctuary where a discussion began that focused on individuals' perceptions of how racial barriers had developed in their lives. The floor was open for men to voluntarily give their own personal testimonies regarding this issue. Initially, several men, both White and Black, used this time to make apologies for their past behaviors and several of the White men apologized for the racist behaviors of their ancestors. Finally, a few of the participants began to share with the group reasons they had established racial barriers in their lives. The major explanations centered on the how these individuals were socialized by family, friends, churches and other institutions. For example, one of the White men, who was not an American born citizen, accredited the reason for his personal construction of racial barriers to the patterns of segregation and the mistreatment of Blacks he noticed when he and his family moved to this country. He stated that at a young age, during the late 1940's and 1950s, he noticed how his community (i.e., home, school, church, etc.,) displayed patterns of segregation which often mistreated Blacks (e.g., Blacks were not welcomed in certain places and they were denied equal treatment). He also stated that he simply grew up cooperating with the patterns of segregation and thought it was the norm for Blacks to be treated as second-class citizens. For him, it was "the way things were," therefore, he submitted to America's social order, instead of being an antagonist.

Two other White men gave personal testimonies citing fear of Black men, specifically, and Blacks in general, along with the socialization they experienced through family, friends, and other social institutions as the contributors to racial barriers in their lives. One of the men stated that "it was the physical size and color," that produced a fear and encouraged him to segregate himself from Black men. Another White male explained that his fear stemmed from when as a child, "my parents told me that the 'bogeyman' (an evil beastly figure that is depicted as being Black and often a Black male) would get kids when they acted bad." His parents used this as a method of discipline, however, he admitted that it also socialized him into fearing Black men and to avoid social interaction with them.

The Black men that gave testimonies expressed that they had no alternative than to protect themselves by developing racial barriers because they were mistreated by an "unjust system". One of these men explained how unwritten codes of "maintaining your place" were passed down to him from his father. He was now in the process of passing it on to his sons to hopefully ensure their safety and some degree of success in this racially hostile country. These codes or mores (e.g., places not to go to insure safety, appropriate mannerisms, etc.) were passed on for Black men to employ and hopefully reduce the chances of physical, psychological or emotional harm.

There were clear examples of the inter-workings of race, religion, and sport during this racial reconciliation breakfast. They will be discussed in the discussion section. It is interesting to note how these explanations illustrate that for White men, there was the need to maintain the status quo and seek safety from the socially constructed fear they had of Black men; and for Black men racial barriers existed because of a need for protection and safety.

Much of my attention was focused on the social atmosphere and the sport setting. Segregation, similar to the racial reconciliation breakfast was again noticed within the seating arrangements at this event. This was probably because churches sent groups of men from their congregation to attend the event. The idea was that seem that segregation would be overcome because sport in the U.S. is considered a masculine domain, and this setting represented a common place of attendance, enjoyment, and refuge for many men, regardless of race.

I was seated on the field where I was able to capture the sight and sound of what a professional football player would experience on game day with thousands of fans cheering for victory over their opponent. This experience really drew the connections between religion and sport that Edwards (1973) and Hoffman (1992) suggests, such as, similar places of worship and both involved a degree of excitement and emotionalism. It was difficult in some instances to mentally separate the religious experience from the experience of a sporting event, because this sporting sanctuary had been momentarily transformed into a sanctuary for religious worship.

This event involved several speakers that addressed various topics about men and their relationship with God, family, other men, and community. There were segments of singing and praying. There was time for group prayer, group dialogue, and reflection.

Sport and Religion

The Promise Keepers' event at Soldier Field provided examples of the inter-workings of sport and religion. There were moments during this religious event where clapping and chanting closely resembled game day activities. The "wave," often a means of evoking excitement, was performed in the same manner as on game day, although with some hesitancy. The initial hesitancy by many of the participants seemed to question whether this celebration was appropriate at this religious event. I watched as many of the men initially ignored this gesture until the numbers began to increase and eventually affirmed the validity of its occurrence. Ultimately, the wave was soon under way, and based on those that participated, it had gain majority acceptance.

The question that emerged was whether the same excitement and emotions that evoke a "wave" during a football game was the same excitement and emotions existing at this religious event? On the other hand, was it the "sporting" environment of the stadium that made it conducive for normal celebrative methods to be performed regardless of the nature of the current event? If the former is true, this again illustrates Edwards' (1973) and Hoffman's (1992) analysis of the similarities that exist between religion and sport. In this case, both religion and sport create a passionate excitement and emotional commitment, and both have methods of celebration that are similar and interchangeable. To some degree, this can explain the overriding passion many fans succumb to during any given event perform in these facilities, i.e., many become seduced by and engrossed in the ambiance to the point that these facilities command specific behaviors and responses.

Along similar lines of emotional expression and commitment, this environment seemed to have permitted men to cry and to embrace one another across racial lines in a non-threatening manner. Similarly, sport appears to be one of the few institutions that allows men of various races to cry together over losses or to embrace one another over victories because the sporting environment appears to be accepting of it and somehow makes this behavior non-threatening to masculinity. This all-male audience and the environment of this sport setting appeared as a safe-haven for unlimited emotional expression.

Outside of sport, religion is another institution that permits men to cry without much threat to their masculine identities. This environment unreservedly allowed, and to some degree evoked, Black and White men to hug and cry without any observable hesitancy or without each being concerned about the threat of being perceived as being less than manly. Normally our efforts seem endless and tediously annoying in trying to maintain our masculine identities at all times and at all cost. Embracing another male and , for men, publicly crying, are not culturally acceptable behaviors in the U.S., and most assuredly it has been socially unacceptable for Black and White men to behave in this manner.

Another interesting way this event had the trappings of sport was in its commercialization. Registration was $60 to these events. Participants had access to Promise Keepers' T-shirts ($10-$20), Sweatshirts ($20-$40), caps ($15), books, buttons (various prices), and tapes (cassette and VHS - $8-$20). This might explain how their budget has increased from $4 million and 22 full-time staff in 1993 to an estimated $115 million and over 400 staff members (PK NET, 1996). This Promise Keepers' paraphernalia seems to play an essential role in generating revenue. Many of these items were priced in a range that suggested that this event was catering for middle-class men; even the cost of registration alienated a certain class of men. In the same way, it can be argued that live sport caters to a middle-class male audience – at least in economic terms. The commercialization of this event demonstrated the difficulty these events will have in being accessible to all races and classes of men, despite its efforts to "breakdown the walls."

The final observation regards the Promise Keepers' Bible entitled, "Man of His Word." It was available to each participant that entered the stadium. This Bible was a New International Version translation of the New Testament that had additional information inserted to inform the reader about Promise Keepers. For example, the first 38 pages listed information about Promise Keepers' principles and the requirements for being a godly man. There were several pages throughout this text that highlighted the lives, and gave personal testimonies from 14 athletes. These athletes included twelve professionals and two former Olympians in the following sports: football players, tennis players, swimmers, baseball, judo, golf, basketball and a tri-athlete. There were no pictures or personal testimonies of businessmen, doctors, educators, lawyers, or other non-athletes. Did these individuals represent the image of what a godly man should be? Do Promise Keepers and Muscular Christian Movements share the ideas of physical and spiritual perfection? According to some researchers (e.g., Kimmel and Kaufman, 1995; Messner, 1997) this movement aligns itself with other male-centered movements that exalt masculine characteristics and the dominant role of men as leaders that extends from the head of households to the chief executive officer of the U.S. Beal (1997)also concluded that,

....the Promise Keeper's use of sport examples, images, and metaphors provide powerful cultural symbols to rally men's support, under the assumption of male's rightful place as leader in society (p. 282).

It is evident also that the placement of these athletes within this Bible sends a strong message that suggests the same principles (hard-work, discipline, dedication, etc.) used by a person to obtain physical excellence can be used to obtain spiritual excellence.

The racial segregation that took place during the breakfast was not necessarily a conscious effort but a decision grounded in years of legislation and social conditioning from the era of Jim Crow. It has unfortunately ingrained in many of us a behavior that encouraged us to segregate ourselves racially. Therefore, we were simply acting according to our patterns of socialization. It was evident during this initial period how our patterns of socialization directed us to segregate ourselves, even though we share common goals or religious beliefs. Our patterns of socialization have provided us with limited and incorrect knowledge about one another, thus, restricting us to remain in-groups of familiarity - racial safe havens. The commonality we shared religiously was over-powered by our patterns of socialization. Once in integrated groups, communicating cross-racially and making social contact initially was problematic and faced resistance in the form of silence. For example researchers have found that some sport teams, regardless sharing the same goal of wanting to win, have witnessed a hesitancy in communicating cross-racially and in making social contact with a different race (Charnofsky, 1968; Chu & Griffey, 1985; Miracle, 1981; Thirer & Wieczorek, 1984). Within the racially mixed groups, our initial contact was very superficial and tolerant. It was not until someone in the group mentioned an incident that happened during a sporting event that we found a safety value or a common denominator to make this space tolerable. The tension reduced as we talked sports - highlighting team "stats", wins and losses, individual achievements, etc. I have personally noticed that sport-talk can play a role as an icebreaker among men of different races. I have noticed this trend when traveling where a conversation with a white male generally started with some issue regarding sport. A majority of the times the initial question from them has been, "Where did you play ball?" When meeting other men of color, I have frequently encountered this need for sport to initiate a conversation. Unfortunately, the racial make-up of these groups probably affected this even more. Suprisingly perhaps, the common ground we supposedly shared as Christians did not dismantle the tension, suspicion and misunderstanding we have about one another. This resistance to communicate cross-racially, suggests that our profession of common faith and common spiritual heritage was not enough in reducing the tension to communicate. Did we share more in common through sport than we did through our common beliefs in Christianity? This seemed to be the case, and it undoubtedly gave credence to the impact of sport in our society. Cross-racially, we related more with our sport heroes (regardless of color) than our religious heroes. Our identities were more common in sport than they were in the faith we committed our lives to and professed each day.

These events will continue to draw questions and critiques as they evolve each year and become global. This reading has examined the inter-workings of race, religion, and sport. The racial reconciliation breakfast provided insight about how racial barriers are created in the lives of the men that participated in this breakfast. The explanations illustrated the power of socialization and how racial ideology is perpetuated and grounded in the institutions of sport and religion.

Both events also demonstrated the inter-workings of race, religion and sport. When it comes to similarities, both sport and religion have similar forms of celebration, which in this event were interchangeable. The racial reconciliation breakfast highlighted the contradiction that exist between race and religion when sport was more of a common denominator among Black and White men than the shared common spiritual beliefs about Christianity. This is an example of how racial ideology and segregation are rooted in and perpetuated by religious institution in the U.S. Volumes are spoken when Black and White men that serve and worship the same God, supposedly, find more comfort talking about sport than their common spiritual heritage and beliefs.

The Promise Keepers Conference showed similarities to sport in being commercialized. Several tents were available for the sell of Promise Keepers paraphernalia: books, shirts, caps, tapes, etc. These items undoubtedly generated a lot of revenue at these conferences for the Promise Keepers' organization. It was unfortunate that these items were priced mainly for an economically affluent audience.

This event and breakfast provided White men and men of color with an opportunity to tap into deep-seated beliefs, fears and other hidden emotions that are not normally entertained - similar to some sporting events. Having these events in stadiums may contribute to the relinquishing racial identities because they are "masculine safe-havens". These events also provided men with opportunities that made them aware of personal racist attitudes and behaviors, as well as, an admonishment to eradicate these attitudes and behaviors. However, as I walked out of the stadium and towards downtown Chicago in the midst of White faces, I could not help wondering whether there was anything outside of this stadium to prevent these deep-seated beliefs and emotions retreating into their original places of hiding? What is there to prevent us from going back to business as usual? What pressing need is it for men of color and White men to breakdown the walls? If we can not communicate our spiritual beliefs comfortably among one another, will sport be the only arena where the theme "Breaking Down the Walls" can be accomplished?

Finally, White men were the majority of participants at these events. They are also the majority in the administration and leadership positions in the Promise Keepers (similar to the sports industry). This represents a limitation upon this religious movement as it seeks to influence racial issues in this society. The privileged positions of "whiteness" provides a limited frame of reference and makes it difficult to see how racial ideologies that exist in the institution of religion (and sport) can be deconstructed.

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