An ethnography on boxing: The role of the coach

Sally Coates

University of Plymouth

The reactions towards the sport of boxing are either love or hate: views are rarely indifferent. To date it has been the negative side of boxing which has received much of the attention as opposed to studies which approach the sport from the boxer's point of view. This ethnographic study was investigating boxing from a lesser known and less spectacular reality; the one contained within the gym where the endless preparation, training and coaching takes place. Thus, the aim of this paper is to report some of the findings of the study, focussing on the various roles of a boxing coach in an inner city gym.

Studies which have investigated the world of the boxer from the boxer's point of view have principally used the method of particpant observation, with the researchers actually entering the ring themselves in order to gain a closer understanding of what it means to box (e.g. Sugden, 1987; Wacquant, 1992, 1995; Beattie, 1996). The use of participant observation as a qualitative research method derives from anthropology, but is now widely used in ethnographic studies.

Beattie (1996), a psychologist by training, spent two years 'hanging out' and participating with the boxers in Brendan Ingle's gym in Sheffield, home of Prince Naseem. His book did not just centre on the gym as Beattie also investigated the boxers' peripheral activities as he followed them into nightclubs, bars, dog fighting and bare knuckle fights.

Similarly, Wacquant (1992), as a participant observer, followed boxers closely, trained with them and entered the ring as part of a three year ethnographic project in a gym in Chicago. His account argues that the gym is in symbiotic opposition to the environment in which it is situated, from which it draws its members and protects them. In Sugden's (1987) paper entitled 'The exploitation of the disadvantaged' the focus is on the subculture of the gym and its relationship with the inner city area where it is based. Since many of the youths within boxing have little, if any, hope of work, and if obtained, such work likely to be unskilled and disagreeable, the option of boxing with the promise of money and prestige is very attractive. Indeed, according to Sugden (1987), the ideology of moral and social development within boxing, namely the myth that boxing offers discipline and opportunities to young, inner city male youths, as well as offering a deterrent against crime, legitimates the targeting to such a section of the population. Furthermore, the moral and social development of these young men, and increasingly women, is an area that is often referred to by coaches as an important part of their work.

The ethnographic approach utilised attempted to discover some of the principles which underlie the organisation of boxing in general, and the gym in particular, thus givng the activity meaning within its context. Within this framework, the role of the coach was given particular attention. An interpretive approach to data analysis was used with the boxers and the coach being viewed as "social actors doing their best to make life as meaningful as they can within the limitations and opportunities of the complex world which surrounds them" (Sugden 1987, p.189)

The data consisted largely of observations and a series of in-depth semi-structured interviews with both boxers and coach, and additionally with various callers into the gym. All of the participants in this study were male. The observations were recorded in the form of fieldwork notes and video data collected over a period of twelve months during regular visits to the gym.

As pointed out by Sugden (1987) the states of mind and physical skills displayed by male youth, which boxing purports to deter, are precisely those attributes required by professional boxing as its raw material. For those youths who proceed to amateur clubs, their streetwise qualities are honed and controlled for the eventual service of professional boxing.

Actitivities within the gym consisted of both physical and emotional work. Training activities included skipping, sparring, early morning runs, weight training and shadow boxing. There were also periods of training spent in the ring involving the coach with 'work on the pads'. This required the coach to wear a padded body armour belt and padded mitts which the boxer punches whilst the coach acts as the moving target, varying the angles and height of the pads asking for specific combinations of blows.

Although in the preparation of the boxer the coach's role is often viewd akin to that of a physical trainer, this study unearthed much emotional work from both coach and boxer. From an early stage boxers have to learn how to control and hide their emotions, particularly so in not letting their opponents know when they are hurt physically. The experience a boxer gains in the ring is important as it expands his capacity for perception and concentration; it forces him to control his emotions in the sense of whether to repress or fuel them. The boxer may have to call forth feelings of anger but be able to control those feelings, in and outside of the ring, and not let them get out of hand. The coach's role was to assist in this process. Once in the ring, it is the boxer who is ultimately responsible. As one boxer explained "it's an individual competition, it's down to me. There are no other team players to blame and it is in front of a large audience. There is nowhere to hide and so it is hard to bear".

The slightest lapse of self control by a boxer was instantly punished and the gym members, including the coach, would often assist in what Goffman (1966) refers to as 'corrective face work'. Although a bad performance brought embarrassment not only to the fighter but also to his gym mates resulting in a 'loss of face'. The boxing cohort would help to correct 'face work' by making valid excuses or by offering acceptable explanations. The return for all their hard work is the feelings they experience when the fight has been won. This experience was explained by a boxer; "The pay off is worth it in the end. No drugs can give you the same feeling. Even if you don't make it to the top on the way is good too. It's the excitement, the feeling afterwards. But you have to really want it, graft, have confidence and be single minded".The triumph was described as a drug, a high, an adrenalin rush, a feeling of achievement and recognition. Oates (1987) in her book describes this as boxing's "systematic cultivation of pain in the interests of a project, a life goal. The willed transposing of pain into its polar opposite" (p.26). The primary person who is responsible for helping them to achieve this goal is, of course, the coach, who naturally commands a high level of commitment from his boxers. Throughout the sparring sessions in the gym the trainer is positioned on the edge of the ring shouting advice or giving instructions. The coach in this study, a professional boxer himself at one time, believed that to be able to work with fighters, to produce results, there are two components which are important: balance and co- ordination. The reason expressed by the coach for doing such a job was enjoyment rather than material gain, and he would rather do this work than any other.

There are very few boxers who make 'the big time' and as a coach it is important to keep track of the up and coming amateurs by monitoring their progress. Coaches will single out a promising amateur for special attention in the hope that he will return to the gym as a professional. It is the responsibility of the coach to stimulate 'motivation' and 'morale' amongst fighters as part of his job. The coach is distinctly helpful to the boxer as he will advise them of his opponent's weaknesses and of his own faults which need to be rectified. An example of motivation is referred to in Beattie's (1996) book by coach Brendan Ingle with regard to the incident of 'fasting'. The coach partakes in the pre-fight fasting too as a way of providing the boxer with the motivation to carry out the task. The coach is a source of confidence and morale to the fighter since they forge a close emotional link and the coach is able to offer his own insight and knowledge.

The relationship between coach and boxer can also play an important part if a boxer loses his fight. In the gym there was a notable absence of boxers, post-fight, if they had been unsuccessful. Therefore, sustaining the level of 'morale' amongst fighters is particularly important not only during the run up to a professional fight but post fight if the boxer has suffered defeat badly. Although the development of the boxer is primarily the job of the coach, the boxer is also involved in a scheme of relationships and traditions which focus upon confidence-building, namely the interactions and support of the 'social world' which the gym provides. In addition, superstitious and religious beliefs are commonly cited amongst boxers as a source of faith.

The role of coach is different to the role of manager in that the boxing manager is usually far removed from activities at the level of the gym and usually does not have any practical experience of boxing. It is not unusual for some coaches to combine the two roles. However, the coach at this particular gym stressed how his role differed to that of some managers as he had the interests of the boxers at heart. He was also concerned with health and safety measures, being aware of the importance of choosing fights strategically with the safety of the boxer in mind as opposed to the financial aspect.

To fight purely for financial reason was unacceptable to the coach of this particular gym. The reasoning behind this was expressed as "trying to talk a boxer into fighting when you know he is going to get murdered, is the equivalent of sending him to a firing squad. The outcome would be already decided". The coach was concerned to protect and advise the boxers as to the commercial aspects of the sport. The bureaucrats in boxing were the people who were considered to be out of touch with the boxers and the sport at the grass roots level.

The theories which surround boxing commonly refer to social structural features in order to account for its nature. With regard to those young men who take part in the sport, they are identified as coming from poor inner city areas with a background of street fighting and violence. However, what these theories fail to account for are the points of view of the boxers and how they make sense of what it means to be a boxer, and in particular the influence of the coach as a significant other.

Boxing offers an alternative lifestyle to the structural opportunities within their environment. The gym offers structure and support: the support via other gym members, a strong one-to-one relationship with the coach and the structure of employment which offers a route to increased social status. The coach plays an important role in the self-development of a boxer and in building a trusting relationship. These findings concur with Wacquant (1995) who reports "Trainers likewise construe their work partly as a civic venture that benefits not only the boxer and his family but the broader society as well" (p.518).

The boxers' interviewed in this study did have other options and educational qualifications but had chosen to box. The gym members enjoyed boxing for what it provided them i.e., the social atmosphere, the adrenalin high, recognition, financial reward and status. Boxing is a form of employment and encompasses many different areas and a number of different players, including crucially the coach; a relationship worthy of further research.

Beattie, G. (1996). On the ropes: Boxing as a way of life. London: Victor Gollancz.

Goffman, E. (1966). Interaction rituals. New York: Vintage.

Oates, J. C. (1987). On boxing. New York: Bloomsbury.

Sugden, J. (1987). The exploitation of disadvantage: The occupational subculture of the boxer. In J. Horne, D. Jary, & A. Tomlinson (Eds.), Sport, leisure and social relations (pp. 187- 209). London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Wacquant, L. J. D. (1992). The social logic of boxing in black chicago. Toward a sociology of pugilism. Sociology of Sport, 9, 221-254.

Wacquant, L. J. D. (1995). The pugilistic point of view: How boxers think and feel about their trade. Theory and Society, 24, 489- 535.

Copyright sociology of sport online, 1999